---
product_id: 91642383
title: "Churchill: Walking with Destiny"
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---

# Churchill: Walking with Destiny

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NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER One of The Wall Street Journal ’s Ten Best Books of 2018 One of The Economist ’s Best Books of 2018 One of The New York Times ’ s Notable Books of 2018 “Unarguably the best single-volume biography of Churchill . . . A brilliant feat of storytelling, monumental in scope, yet put together with tenderness for a man who had always believed that he would be Britain’s savior.” — Wall Street Journal In this landmark biography of Winston Churchill based on extensive new material, the true genius of the man, statesman and leader can finally be fully seen and understood--by the bestselling, award-winning author of Napoleon and The Last King of America. When we seek an example of great leaders with unalloyed courage, the person who comes to mind is Winston Churchill: the iconic, visionary war leader immune from the consensus of the day, who stood firmly for his beliefs when everyone doubted him. But how did young Winston become Churchill? What gave him the strength to take on the superior force of Nazi Germany when bombs rained on London and so many others had caved? In Churchill, Andrew Roberts gives readers the full and definitive Winston Churchill, from birth to lasting legacy, as personally revealing as it is compulsively readable. Roberts gained exclusive access to extensive new material: transcripts of War Cabinet meetings, diaries, letters and unpublished memoirs from Churchill's contemporaries. The Royal Family permitted Roberts--in a first for a Churchill biographer--to read the detailed notes taken by King George VI in his diary after his weekly meetings with Churchill during World War II. This treasure trove of access allows Roberts to understand the man in revelatory new ways, and to identify the hidden forces fueling Churchill's legendary drive. We think of Churchill as a hero who saved civilization from the evils of Nazism and warned of the grave crimes of Soviet communism, but Roberts's masterwork reveals that he has as much to teach us about the challenges leaders face today--and the fundamental values of courage, tenacity, leadership and moral conviction.

Review: "sold more history books than any historian in history" p.973 - A good biography should include photos, maps, footnotes (to verify citations), bibliography, and detailed index. On those criteria, this is a superlative biography, with all of those in abundance. The author, training and residing (mostly) in England, has adapted some Anglicisms for this American audience, but be prepared to navigate from time to time the intricacies of elections to the House of Commons, which are not. Although one volume, this paperback edition is massive, with almost 1000 pages of text alone, plus an additional nearly 40 pages of footnotes (not to mention a ‘select bibliography’ and detailed index). For such a man, who published 37 volumes of prose, mostly history, of over 6 million words (pp 972-3), in addition to his life-long commitment to politics, this hefty work of small print is barely enough to encompass the minimum needed to paint his greatness, without omitting his exasperating deficiencies – this is, to reemphasize, a biography, and not a whitewash. The author’s task, of reading all this and much more (including, especially, his letters to his wife Clementine, Soviet Ambassador Maisky’s musings, Brooke’s frustrations in his diary entries) and then organizing the thousands of notes taken to form a comprehensible logical tale, cannot ever be fully appreciated by us passive consumers, by us laymen. Mr. Roberts has composed a captivating tale, told in accessible, ever sensible and pleasing prose, putting it into that rare class of great biographies with John Lewis Gaddis’ “Kennan” and George Packer’s “Our Man” (on Richard Holbrooke). This is especially true of the first half, 1874-1940, “The Preparation”, introducing WSC (Winston Spencer Churchill) to “The Trial”, his guiding of the UK through WW2, from 1940 and down to his death in 1965. This first part lays the groundwork in masterly fashion for the reader to understand how WSC had trained himself for this display of incomparable leadership after May 1940. Roberts interweaves, throughout, the leitmotif of WSC’s father, Randolph, showing convincingly, without the all-too-common modern psychobabble, how that absent father, dying too early, held sway over WSC his entire life (see, especially, WSC’s touching work “The Dream” described on pp 904-6). How odd it is to realize that without this demanding, psychologically distant father, WSC would have been a different, a lesser man. What parental lessons can be taken from this? WSC’s description of Soviet foreign policy seems apt: ‘A riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma.’ (p. 472) While Roberts details the opportunities lost to avoid WW2 – in particular, the remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936, where Hitler had given orders for retreat on the first sign of resistance from France (p. 397), to von Kleist’s assessment that Germany could not have withstood more than three months if the Sudetenland had not capitulated in 1938 (p. 430) – Neville Chamberlain’s key role with “peace in our time” is painted in much more sympathetic and subtle colors. Roberts shows, in addition, that Hitler’s intrigues for ‘peace’ do not end after September 3, 1939 and the declarations of war from England and France. In fact, he gives a convincing counter-factual scheme for Halifax, in Churchill’s absence, suing for peace (p. 978) – it was only Churchill’s intransigent stubbornness that insured England’s opposition to one of history’s most perfect embodiments of undistilled evil. All of this, and more (including delicious helpings of WSC’s unequalled wit) distinguishes this book. What does not: a) The Versailles Treaty was not nearly as ‘harsh’ as he paints it (p 273). Its provisions could have been met, with good-will from Weimer Germany, but the ‘stab-in-the-back’ legend was much more damaging, making that good will politically difficult. Moreover, Clemenceau did not agree to ameliorating them, those provisions, because he couldn’t: he was barely able to get them accepted by the French Chamber of Deputies, which wanted them to be much harsher. b) The author recognizes the moral problem of “Bomber” Harris and the indiscriminate leveling of German cities, but seems to confuse ‘strategic’ and ‘tactical’ bombing (p 781). Moreover, his ‘select bibliography’ does not include A.C. Grayling’s “Among the Dead Cities”, a required primer on this subject. (A window in the apse of Westminster Abbey is still dedicated to Harris, his crews, and his atrocities.) c) Roberts reports of course the abomination of the death camps, but does not delineate, with any finality, when Churchill first became aware of them, implying it was July 1944 (p. 829). He notes that the Americans (the only ones who could, as it required daylight precision) refused to agree to bombing the rail lines into Auschwitz, but does not explain why that decision was made. This would have made the book even longer, but not by much. He could have added, for example, the inaccuracy of the storied Norden bombsight, with after-war surveys showing 50% of bombs missing their target by more than 1000 ft; or the average time needed during the war to repair rail lines: 2 days; or the terrible death toll of bombing raids, where it was an exceptional crewmember who survived more than 20 flights; or the overwhelming need to end the war, which such raids would not have aided and quite possibly even delayed. d) The author’s Hoover Institute credentials, ie his conservative leanings, are evident in Churchill himself as a subject, to be sure (see, eg WSC’s support of what we call ‘right-to-work’ legislation, p. 324), but Roberts is often critical of Churchill’s most outrageous racial comments. Thus, fortunately, that conservatism does not leak out very often, but when it does, it is jarring, as in his comment that Reagan was ‘instrumental’ in destroying the Soviet Union (p 855) which is just absurd (the key was Gorbachev, and any post, any even inanimate object, in the White House could have served as that ‘instrument’). And, to assert that overthrowing Mossadegh in 1953 despite its producing the Iran Revolution of 1979 was worthwhile (p 941) is distressing, to say the least, as it throws a disturbing light on his previously nearly impeccable faculty of judgment. The above four qualifications notwithstanding, if you are interested in WSC, buy this book. You will not regret it.
Review: I Didn’t Want It To End! - It has taken me quite a while to sit down and write this review of Andrew Roberts’s remarkable biography of Winston Churchill. There are a few reasons why it has taken me so long. Churchill-Walking with Destiny challenged many of the notions I have had of Winston Churchill since I was a young student of history. It took me a while to come to terms with some of these long-held opinions and evaluate them against the new evidence that Roberts provides. The fact that my reading this book coincided with the commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of many of the closing acts of World War II in Europe also delayed my writing this review. Roberts presents evidence and arguments that have led me to re-evaluate not just Churchill’s actions during World War II and the Cold War, but also the respective roles of Britain, the Commonwealth, and other nations from the end of the war until today. Enough excuses! On with the review! I think the most important aspect of this book is that it draws on materials that have not been available to historians and researchers until very recently. Accessing diaries from notables such as King George VI and parliamentary documents from the House of Commons, Roberts is able to explain many of Churchill’s actions and thoughts with much more certainty than could the historians and biographers of earlier generations. Written evidence, especially that of the King, provides insights into some of Churchill’s more questionable and controversial decisions and beliefs. Even if the new evidence does not absolve Churchill of complicity in some events for which he has long been criticized, it does provide greater context and begs consideration of the options that Churchill might have had before him. Roberts carefully reexamines events such as the Tonypandy Riots, the Indian Famine, Churchill’s role in the defense of Antwerp in 1914, the Dardanelles Campaign, and his early opinion of Mussolini. It is the reassessment of Churchill’s roles and actions in these and many other events that really invite readers to reassess Churchill himself. Also explained in several instances is Churchill’s perception of himself and his careful assessment of when to fight for a cause and when to back off. Roberts acknowledges a certain amount of hero-worship for the protagonist, but also criticizes where criticism is due, and asks readers to evaluate certain actions and thoughts within the context of new evidence. Context, itself, is a critical part of this examination of Churchill’s life. While many biographies present decisions, events, and motivations in a rather matter-of-fact manner, Roberts manages to show that decisions were not always simple and straightforward. In fact, most decisions Churchill made—especially during his middle age and through World War II—were well-considered and based on history and a careful reading of his contemporaries, but we’re far from simple. Roberts points out, as have others, that Churchill was often motivated by his perception of how history would judge him—and Britain. He considered how history would judge him and England when advocating for the Dardanelles campaign, resisting the appeasement movement in the 1930s, and many other critical points in history. His use of history to support political and military arguments, and his awareness that he was writing several chapters of history himself helped him arrive at some decisions that might be seen technically and practically as misguided, but morally correct. Regarding the man, himself, Roberts paints a great picture of a man who loved his country, his wife, his friends, and his many artistic and scientific passions. Roberts provides ample evidence of Churchill’s work ethic and his demands for loyalty and facts. Churchill’s abilities to absorb mountains of information (especially when he wanted to) and compartmentalize that information is evident. So to is his ability to (usually) organize military and administrative advisors into cohesive units. The book abounds with humorous anecdotes and sets them in context to allow the reader greater appreciation for his quick and devastating wit. Roberts also shares moments where Churchill’s pride colored his thoughts and writings, allowing readers to understand the flaws in his histories and other writings. As the biography wound down, I found myself wanting more. This want is not a reflection on Roberts, but is actually a compliment. While other biographies and histories left me thinking I “knew” Churchill, Roberts provided so much new information and so much fuller context, that I now feel like there is much more to know. I am hopeful that others will pick up where Roberts left off and help us all better understand the enigma that was—and is—Winston Churchill.

## Technical Specifications

| Specification | Value |
|---------------|-------|
| Best Sellers Rank | #19,081 in Books ( See Top 100 in Books ) #6 in WWII Biographies #10 in Historical British Biographies #21 in World War II History (Books) |
| Customer Reviews | 4.8 out of 5 stars 5,745 Reviews |

## Images

![Churchill: Walking with Destiny - Image 1](https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/71lVdxkH5wL.jpg)

## Customer Reviews

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ "sold more history books than any historian in history" p.973
*by M***N on March 10, 2021*

A good biography should include photos, maps, footnotes (to verify citations), bibliography, and detailed index. On those criteria, this is a superlative biography, with all of those in abundance. The author, training and residing (mostly) in England, has adapted some Anglicisms for this American audience, but be prepared to navigate from time to time the intricacies of elections to the House of Commons, which are not. Although one volume, this paperback edition is massive, with almost 1000 pages of text alone, plus an additional nearly 40 pages of footnotes (not to mention a ‘select bibliography’ and detailed index). For such a man, who published 37 volumes of prose, mostly history, of over 6 million words (pp 972-3), in addition to his life-long commitment to politics, this hefty work of small print is barely enough to encompass the minimum needed to paint his greatness, without omitting his exasperating deficiencies – this is, to reemphasize, a biography, and not a whitewash. The author’s task, of reading all this and much more (including, especially, his letters to his wife Clementine, Soviet Ambassador Maisky’s musings, Brooke’s frustrations in his diary entries) and then organizing the thousands of notes taken to form a comprehensible logical tale, cannot ever be fully appreciated by us passive consumers, by us laymen. Mr. Roberts has composed a captivating tale, told in accessible, ever sensible and pleasing prose, putting it into that rare class of great biographies with John Lewis Gaddis’ “Kennan” and George Packer’s “Our Man” (on Richard Holbrooke). This is especially true of the first half, 1874-1940, “The Preparation”, introducing WSC (Winston Spencer Churchill) to “The Trial”, his guiding of the UK through WW2, from 1940 and down to his death in 1965. This first part lays the groundwork in masterly fashion for the reader to understand how WSC had trained himself for this display of incomparable leadership after May 1940. Roberts interweaves, throughout, the leitmotif of WSC’s father, Randolph, showing convincingly, without the all-too-common modern psychobabble, how that absent father, dying too early, held sway over WSC his entire life (see, especially, WSC’s touching work “The Dream” described on pp 904-6). How odd it is to realize that without this demanding, psychologically distant father, WSC would have been a different, a lesser man. What parental lessons can be taken from this? WSC’s description of Soviet foreign policy seems apt: ‘A riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma.’ (p. 472) While Roberts details the opportunities lost to avoid WW2 – in particular, the remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936, where Hitler had given orders for retreat on the first sign of resistance from France (p. 397), to von Kleist’s assessment that Germany could not have withstood more than three months if the Sudetenland had not capitulated in 1938 (p. 430) – Neville Chamberlain’s key role with “peace in our time” is painted in much more sympathetic and subtle colors. Roberts shows, in addition, that Hitler’s intrigues for ‘peace’ do not end after September 3, 1939 and the declarations of war from England and France. In fact, he gives a convincing counter-factual scheme for Halifax, in Churchill’s absence, suing for peace (p. 978) – it was only Churchill’s intransigent stubbornness that insured England’s opposition to one of history’s most perfect embodiments of undistilled evil. All of this, and more (including delicious helpings of WSC’s unequalled wit) distinguishes this book. What does not: a) The Versailles Treaty was not nearly as ‘harsh’ as he paints it (p 273). Its provisions could have been met, with good-will from Weimer Germany, but the ‘stab-in-the-back’ legend was much more damaging, making that good will politically difficult. Moreover, Clemenceau did not agree to ameliorating them, those provisions, because he couldn’t: he was barely able to get them accepted by the French Chamber of Deputies, which wanted them to be much harsher. b) The author recognizes the moral problem of “Bomber” Harris and the indiscriminate leveling of German cities, but seems to confuse ‘strategic’ and ‘tactical’ bombing (p 781). Moreover, his ‘select bibliography’ does not include A.C. Grayling’s “Among the Dead Cities”, a required primer on this subject. (A window in the apse of Westminster Abbey is still dedicated to Harris, his crews, and his atrocities.) c) Roberts reports of course the abomination of the death camps, but does not delineate, with any finality, when Churchill first became aware of them, implying it was July 1944 (p. 829). He notes that the Americans (the only ones who could, as it required daylight precision) refused to agree to bombing the rail lines into Auschwitz, but does not explain why that decision was made. This would have made the book even longer, but not by much. He could have added, for example, the inaccuracy of the storied Norden bombsight, with after-war surveys showing 50% of bombs missing their target by more than 1000 ft; or the average time needed during the war to repair rail lines: 2 days; or the terrible death toll of bombing raids, where it was an exceptional crewmember who survived more than 20 flights; or the overwhelming need to end the war, which such raids would not have aided and quite possibly even delayed. d) The author’s Hoover Institute credentials, ie his conservative leanings, are evident in Churchill himself as a subject, to be sure (see, eg WSC’s support of what we call ‘right-to-work’ legislation, p. 324), but Roberts is often critical of Churchill’s most outrageous racial comments. Thus, fortunately, that conservatism does not leak out very often, but when it does, it is jarring, as in his comment that Reagan was ‘instrumental’ in destroying the Soviet Union (p 855) which is just absurd (the key was Gorbachev, and any post, any even inanimate object, in the White House could have served as that ‘instrument’). And, to assert that overthrowing Mossadegh in 1953 despite its producing the Iran Revolution of 1979 was worthwhile (p 941) is distressing, to say the least, as it throws a disturbing light on his previously nearly impeccable faculty of judgment. The above four qualifications notwithstanding, if you are interested in WSC, buy this book. You will not regret it.

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ I Didn’t Want It To End!
*by R***N on July 5, 2020*

It has taken me quite a while to sit down and write this review of Andrew Roberts’s remarkable biography of Winston Churchill. There are a few reasons why it has taken me so long. Churchill-Walking with Destiny challenged many of the notions I have had of Winston Churchill since I was a young student of history. It took me a while to come to terms with some of these long-held opinions and evaluate them against the new evidence that Roberts provides. The fact that my reading this book coincided with the commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of many of the closing acts of World War II in Europe also delayed my writing this review. Roberts presents evidence and arguments that have led me to re-evaluate not just Churchill’s actions during World War II and the Cold War, but also the respective roles of Britain, the Commonwealth, and other nations from the end of the war until today. Enough excuses! On with the review! I think the most important aspect of this book is that it draws on materials that have not been available to historians and researchers until very recently. Accessing diaries from notables such as King George VI and parliamentary documents from the House of Commons, Roberts is able to explain many of Churchill’s actions and thoughts with much more certainty than could the historians and biographers of earlier generations. Written evidence, especially that of the King, provides insights into some of Churchill’s more questionable and controversial decisions and beliefs. Even if the new evidence does not absolve Churchill of complicity in some events for which he has long been criticized, it does provide greater context and begs consideration of the options that Churchill might have had before him. Roberts carefully reexamines events such as the Tonypandy Riots, the Indian Famine, Churchill’s role in the defense of Antwerp in 1914, the Dardanelles Campaign, and his early opinion of Mussolini. It is the reassessment of Churchill’s roles and actions in these and many other events that really invite readers to reassess Churchill himself. Also explained in several instances is Churchill’s perception of himself and his careful assessment of when to fight for a cause and when to back off. Roberts acknowledges a certain amount of hero-worship for the protagonist, but also criticizes where criticism is due, and asks readers to evaluate certain actions and thoughts within the context of new evidence. Context, itself, is a critical part of this examination of Churchill’s life. While many biographies present decisions, events, and motivations in a rather matter-of-fact manner, Roberts manages to show that decisions were not always simple and straightforward. In fact, most decisions Churchill made—especially during his middle age and through World War II—were well-considered and based on history and a careful reading of his contemporaries, but we’re far from simple. Roberts points out, as have others, that Churchill was often motivated by his perception of how history would judge him—and Britain. He considered how history would judge him and England when advocating for the Dardanelles campaign, resisting the appeasement movement in the 1930s, and many other critical points in history. His use of history to support political and military arguments, and his awareness that he was writing several chapters of history himself helped him arrive at some decisions that might be seen technically and practically as misguided, but morally correct. Regarding the man, himself, Roberts paints a great picture of a man who loved his country, his wife, his friends, and his many artistic and scientific passions. Roberts provides ample evidence of Churchill’s work ethic and his demands for loyalty and facts. Churchill’s abilities to absorb mountains of information (especially when he wanted to) and compartmentalize that information is evident. So to is his ability to (usually) organize military and administrative advisors into cohesive units. The book abounds with humorous anecdotes and sets them in context to allow the reader greater appreciation for his quick and devastating wit. Roberts also shares moments where Churchill’s pride colored his thoughts and writings, allowing readers to understand the flaws in his histories and other writings. As the biography wound down, I found myself wanting more. This want is not a reflection on Roberts, but is actually a compliment. While other biographies and histories left me thinking I “knew” Churchill, Roberts provided so much new information and so much fuller context, that I now feel like there is much more to know. I am hopeful that others will pick up where Roberts left off and help us all better understand the enigma that was—and is—Winston Churchill.

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ An excellent book, highly readable and informative; I offer some quibbles
*by E***N on April 28, 2019*

An excellent book, highly readable and informative. Although the book is exceptionally well written, I did notice (having read every word of the book) two recurring aspects of Roberts' writing that I found somewhat jarring. First, Roberts is too prone to use “where” after words that are not locations. The following formulations appear: pantomime where (p. 16), party where (pp. 94, 117, 429), forum where (p. 151), debate where (p. 251), corps where (p. 252), by-election where (p. 294), election where (p. 304), argument where (p. 330), book where (p. 425), meeting where (p. 502), dinner where (p. 724), issues where (p. 812). In all these cases, “where” could and should have been “in which” or “at which.” Secondly, a number of sentences here and there don’t seem to scan. For example: (i) The sentence before the gap between paragraphs on page 18 doesn’t work. (ii) On page 86, two sentences in a row start “By contrast…” (iii) On page 474, the sentence starting “They discussed…” doesn’t make sense; “in which” should be a new sentence starting “In this discussion, …” (iv) On page 837, it’s unclear what “it” is in the first full sentence on the page. (v) Page 888 contains the zigzag formulation: “One reason... was partly because…” A few other factual and typographical items I noticed were: 1. Page 396 describes defense spending in 1935/1936 “as a proportion of GDP.” It should have been made clear that GDP statistics were only constructed later, so defense spending would not have been described in these terms at the time. 2. Page 521, near the end of the page, there is a typo: “to wrote to” should be “wrote to’ 3. Page 540 There is a typo that has the effect of misquoting a Churchill passage: “encompassing” should be “compassing.” 4. Page 549: “part… were” should be “part…was” 5. Page 572: A Nazi memorandum of July 2, 1940 titled “The War Against England" is sourced to a 1959 book titled War At the Top, but it had already been quoted in a number of books in the 1950s including a book by Ian Colvin in 1951 titled Chief of Intelligence. 6. Page 757 claims that August 1941 remarks marked “the only occasion on which Churchill expressed a belief in any kind of life after death.” This is not correct; indeed, on page 222 Roberts quoted a reference by Churchill to heaven in his book Painting As a Pastime. 7. Page 775 uses the term “strategic bombing” as though it does not include bombing of urban/civilian targets, but usually the term does include such countervalue targets. 8. Page 780 refers to “98,000 thousand.” Either the second “thousand” is a typo, or this should be “98 million.” 9. Page 827: “he did he” should be “he did.” 10. Page 849 says of a letter Churchill wrote to FDR, “It was not a letter he reprinted in his war memoirs.” Here “reprinted” should be “printed” (the letter had not been “printed” to start with). 11. Page 870 has a paragraph on an April 1945 conversation in which Churchill criticized the USA and its allies for putting pressure after WWI on Italy and Germany to abandon having monarchies. As Churchill made the same criticism on pages 10 to 11 of The Gathering Storm, this is not a view for which attribution to a private Churchill conversation is necessary. 12. On page 897 there is a likely material misquotation from a letter written by Anthony Eden. Roberts gives Eden referring to Churchill’s “patent inclination” to stay Conservative party leader, but D.R. Thorpe’s 2005 book on Eden (p. 340) gave it as “present inclination” and the full sentence, given by Thorpe, suggests Thorpe’s rendition is accurate. 13. Page 900: “such hatred as” is misquoted as “such hatred that.” 14. Page 925 says “Labour had nationalized one fifth of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product.” Labour nationalization was of industries (a stock) not of items in GDP (a flow), so the description does not make sense as written. 15. Page 914 gives David Butler as Princeton University-affiliated in 1950, but in fact he was only there in 1947-1948 (Who's Who 1987, p. 257). 16. Page 932 says that 1952 saw “the first time since 1945 that the Americans had taken Britain’s side against a third power.” As the UK and USA were fighting the Korean War together since 1950, this statement cannot be correct. 17. Page 1025 refers to "the writings of... Alan Clark" on Churchill, but no Alan Clark writings are included in Roberts' bibliography.

## Frequently Bought Together

- Churchill: Walking with Destiny
- The Statesman as Thinker: Portraits of Greatness, Courage, and Moderation
- The Titans of the Twentieth Century: How They Made History and the History They Made

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